Tag: lobbyist

  • Lawmaker proposed $300m handout to nursing homes; then raised $52,000 from their liaisons

    Lawmaker proposed $300m handout to nursing homes; then raised $52,000 from their liaisons

    Rep. Sara Carruthers. Photo from the Ohio General Assembly website.

    BY: JAKE ZUCKERMANOhio Capital Journal

    An Ohio lawmaker last year proposed allocating $300 million of federal COVID-19 relief funds, divvied up among Ohio’s nursing homes with no strings attached.

    Ten days later, Rep. Sara Carruthers, R-Hamilton, received a $13,200 campaign contribution from the CEO of a chain of 59 nursing homes, $13,200 from his business partner, and another $13,200 from the CEO’s wife.

    Two weeks later, a lobbyist for an association of nursing homes that backed the bill gave her another $13,200. The four contributions together comprise nearly half of all Carruthers’ campaign fundraising in 2021.

    The legislation, House Bill 461, didn’t technically pass. However, the idea was folded into a separate appropriations bill that handed out $4.18 billion in federal pandemic relief funds to schools, child care and others. That bill gave an additional $300 million to nursing homes — atop the roughly $6.45 billion they receive in state and federal Medicaid funds — so long as the chronically short-staffed industry spends it on its workforce and not on executives, administrators, or staffing agencies.

    However, on Wednesday, an amended form of HB 461 reappeared before the House Economic and Workforce Development Committee as an entirely rewritten document.

    Instead of giving the facilities a lump sum payment of $300 million, the new version of the bill calls on the state Department of Medicaid to pay facilities an extra reimbursement for each resident they house in a private (instead of shared) room.

    State analysts haven’t yet offered a formal cost estimate for the idea. However, Robert Applebaum, Director of the Ohio Long-Term Care Research Project at Miami University, offered a high-end estimate of around $343 million in costs in the first year alone.

    Carruthers did not respond to a phone calls and an email to her legislative office.

    Does the bill make sense?

    Applebaum said there are many good facilities that put a sincere effort toward providing adequate care that simply don’t make enough money from the state’s formula to reimburse facilities for care given to Medicaid patients. That formula is established by state law.

    However, some homes in Ohio provide dangerously poor care. An Ohio Capital Journal investigation identified dozens of facilities that, according to federal regulators, placed the health and safety of residents in “immediate jeopardy” during the pandemic. At least 84 residents died in connection with the alleged infection control violations at 13 Ohio facilities during the pandemic. Additionally, despite a federal requirement, only 77% of nursing home workers are vaccinated against COVID-19 — the third lowest rate by state, according to federal data analyzed by the investigative journalism outlet ProPublica.

    “It’s not that nursing homes shouldn’t get any [federal COVID relief funds], but why are we not using this as an opportunity to improve the quality of the facilities?” Applebaum said.

    He said states can adopt strategies to improve care like providing more funds that must go to often-underpaid workers; or creating a pot of money specifically for facilities that meet certain quality targets.

    While steering facilities to placing residents in private rooms is sensible, Applebaum questioned what added costs this puts on the sparsely filled facilities or why lawmakers are setting such a low bar.

    To reach his $343 million estimate: There are about 940 nursing homes in the state, each with an average census of about 69 residents. Care for about 60% of those residents is funded by Medicaid. The bill, as written, provides an extra $25 per patient per day in a private room. So assuming all Medicaid patients wind up in private rooms, the bill will cost $343 million per year. However, that crude formula likely assumes more residents wind up in private rooms than is to be expected.

    In the out years, the bill leaves it to the Department of Medicaid to determine the extra reimbursements for housing patients in a private room.

    Timing

    Carruthers introduced HB 461 on Oct. 25, 2021. On Nov. 4 of that same year, Brian and Gretchen Colleran each contributed $13,200 to her campaign. Brian Colleran is the CEO of Foundation Health Solutions, which operates 59 nursing homes in Ohio. His business partner, Daniel Parker, contributed the same amount on the same day.

    In 2017, Colleran and Parker paid $20 million to settle Medicaid fraud allegations lodged via the U.S. Department of Justice. They were accused of billing claims to Medicaid for unnecessary treatment at 18 of their nursing facilities and billing Medicare for hospice services for ineligible patients. The settlement is not a finding of guilt, and they weren’t convicted of any crime.

    The two did not respond to a voicemail and written inquiry left with the company.

    On Nov. 19, 2021, Roger King — a lobbyist whose sole client is the Academy of Senior Health Sciences — gave her another $13,200. King’s phone number listed on lobbying forms directed a call to the Academy’s executive director, who didn’t respond to a voicemail.

    Carruthers’ bill received its first hearing in its new form Wednesday in a committee focused largely on labor and economic issues — as opposed to committees that typically handle Medicaid and long-term care issues like the Health Committee, the Finance Subcommittee on Health and Human Services, or the Families, Aging and Human Services Committee.

    The committee is chaired by Rep. Jay Edwards, R-Nelsonville, who himself has received more than $80,000 in campaign contributions since 2020 from Parker, Brian Colleran and Gretchen Colleran, according to campaign finance reports.

    In an interview, Edwards said he knows of Colleran and Parker and has “spoken to them about their operations” but doesn’t have a relationship with them. He acknowledged that Carruthers’ bill “probably” doesn’t have much to do with workforce or economic development issues. However, he said a point can be made that private rooms might increase staffing needs, which makes the bill something of a workforce issue.

    During Wednesday’s hearing, Rep. Catherine Ingram, D-Cincinnati, questioned why the bill was apparently rewritten instead of getting introduced as a new, unique bill. In an interview, she said it’s part of a strategy to keep legislation in a friendly committee where a chairman would fast track it, which she believes is the current strategy.

    She said she supports funding elder care, but that money should follow the increasing consumer demand of providing more in-home care and keep older Ohioans out of nursing homes.

    Ohio House Speaker Bob Cupp, R-Lima, didn’t respond to inquiries about the contributions to Carruthers, or why a nursing home bill is under review in an economic and workforce committee.

    This article was updated with further explanation of the cost estimate from Robert Applebaum. 

  • Consumer advocate wants to know where utility got $60M from in alleged bribery scandal

    Consumer advocate wants to know where utility got $60M from in alleged bribery scandal

    cccc

    Ohio’s official utility watchdog wants to know where Akron-based FirstEnergy got the $60 million that federal prosecutors say fueled the largest bribery scandal in Ohio history.

    The Office of Ohio Consumers’ Counsel on Tuesday evening filed several motions with the Ohio Public Utilities Commission

    • A request for an investigation and a management audit of FirstEnergy.
    • A requirement that the company show that it hadn’t misused consumer money to support the passage of a nuclear bailout. 
    • And that the regulator reopen a probe into how FirstEnergy spent money intended to upgrade the electricity grid.

    In July, the U.S. Attorney’s office charged then-House Speaker, Larry Householder, R-Glenford, in an alleged scheme to funnel FirstEnergy money through 509(c)(4) “dark money” groups in a corrupt effort to elect supportive lawmakers and make Householder speaker. 

    The feds say the goal was to pass House Bill 6, a $1.3 billion bailout that went primarily to two failing nuclear power plants, but also subsidized two failing coal-powered generators. In addition, the money was used to fund a xenophobic campaign to stop a voter repeal of HB 6 and to line the pockets of Householder and his alleged conspirators, federal officials said.

    Also charged were Matt Borges, a lobbyist who was formerly chairman of the Ohio Republican Party, Neil Clark, a lobbyist who owns Grant Street Consulting, Juan Cespedes, also a lobbyist, and Householder’s aide, Jeffrey Longstreth.

    In its filing, the consumers’ counsel said it was asking the utilities commission to do its job.

    “The (Public Utilities Commission of Ohio) has the right and duty to regulate public utilities, for the protection of the public,” it said. “The PUCO should require FirstEnergy to show that money it collected from consumers, including the distribution modernization charge money, was not improperly used regarding House Bill 6 and that it did not violate any utility regulatory laws or PUCO orders regarding House Bill 6.”

    A FirstEnergy spokeswoman said her company will comment through official channels.

    “We are unable to comment on pending litigation, but we will respond to the motion by September 23 as required,” External Communications Manager Jennifer M. Young said in an email.

    In its filings, the consumers’ counsel noted that “Long before the House Bill 6 subsidies, FirstEnergy was authorized to charge its consumers nearly $7 billion for these and other FirstEnergy power plants as part of the transition to power plant competition (and a supposed end to future power plant subsidies) under Ohio’s 1999 electric deregulation law.”

    The documents also focused on $465 million FirstEnergy was allowed to collect from Ohio ratepayers in 2017 and 2018 as a “distribution modernization rider.” In other words, the charge was meant to fund improvements to the lines and poles and other equipment needed to efficiently deliver electricity in Ohio.

    The consumers’ counsel pointed to an independent audit showing that at least some of the money was used for other purposes. For example, it was placed in FirstEnergy’s “Regulated Utility Money Pool,” where its out-of-state utilities could borrow from it.

    The dividends FirstEnergy paid shareholders also took a big jump once the company started collecting more from ratepayers, supposedly to improve the power grid. The money for dividends from FirstEnergy’s Ohio utilities went from $141 million in 2016 to $350 million in 2017 — the first year of the subsidy — to $400 million in 2018.

    The Ohio Supreme Court subsequently declared the charge to be unlawful, but the money wasn’t refunded to ratepayers. 

    After the court ruling, the utilities commission shut down an investigation into the extra charge and how the money was used. But now the consumers’ counsel says it “should be reopened in light of the new information alleged in the U.S. Criminal Complaint about FirstEnergy’s use of extraordinary amounts of money in its efforts for the passage of House Bill 6.”

    After other interested parties have a chance to respond to the consumers’ counsel motions the utilities commission will decide whether to approve them.


    Marty Schladen

    Marty Schladen has been a reporter for decades, working in Indiana, Texas and other places before returning to his native Ohio to work at The Columbus Dispatch in 2017. He’s won state and national journalism awards for investigations into utility regulation, public corruption, the environment, prescription drug spending and other matters.