Tag: $4.3 million bribe

  • Texts, calendars, emails link DeWine to FirstEnergy’s bribery scandal

    Texts, calendars, emails link DeWine to FirstEnergy’s bribery scandal

    BY: JAKE ZUCKERMAN – Ohio Capital Journal

    Gov. Mike DeWine and his administration played a hands-on role passing an allegedly pay-for-play nuclear bailout and appointing an industry-friendly regulator who has since been accused of taking a $4.3 million bribe, documents and messages show.

    Calendar records show DeWine, a Republican, met repeatedly to discuss energy policy with FirstEnergy Corp. officials and at least once with GOP House Speaker Larry Householder, who has been criminally accused of taking a separate, multimillion-dollar bribe from the company to pass the bailout.

    Despite a cautionary letter from environmental groups and a 198-page dossier from his former campaign staffer warning against the move, DeWine appointed Sam Randazzo in 2019 to the head of the Public Utilities Commission of Ohio. FirstEnergy last summer admitted it paid Randazzo a $4.3 million bribe. Randazzo has not been charged with a crime and denies wrongdoing.

    Newly released text messages show FirstEnergy executives describing an open line with the administration on the selection and inside support from Ohio’s chief executive.

    “When the Gov Elect asked me about attributes, I listed integrity, work ethic, creativity, thick skin, circumspection in public statements,” FirstEnergy’s then CEO texted Randazzo about the open PUCO seat in December 2018, just before DeWine took office.

    “You fit all of those.”

     Former FirstEnergy CEO Charles “Chuck” Jones. Source: FirstEnergy, via Flickr

    In one text, FirstEnergy executive Mike Dowling credits DeWine and Lt. Gov. Jon Husted with performing “battlefield triage” to save Randazzo’s appointment before a key vote. Both DeWine and Husted have previously denied that a redacted version of the text message that appeared in criminal documents referred to them.

    Federal prosecutors accused House Speaker Larry Householder of secretly controlling a nonprofit that took $60 million from FirstEnergy. He allegedly used the money to enrich himself personally and politically and to ensure the passage of House Bill 6, which provided a massive bailout to two nuclear plants owned at the time by FirstEnergy. Householder was charged with racketeering and awaits trial. Two alleged conspirators pleaded guilty.

    FirstEnergy admitted last summer to the $60 million payment as well as a separate $4.3 million bribe to Randazzo just before he started as Ohio’s top utility regulator. The payment topped off $22 million in consulting fees to Randazzo since 2010 from the company.

    Court documents from prosecutors reveal no focus on DeWine, who has not been charged with any crime. However, a review of records turned over in subpoenas, public records requests for his official calendars by the Energy and Policy Institute, text messages attached to regulatory filings, and others show DeWine and his staff repeatedly influencing and shepherding HB 6 into law.

    On the campaign trail in July 2018, DeWine visited one of the nuclear plants that would receive a bailout, his official calendar shows. A month later, he met with FirstEnergy executives at their Akron headquarters. In October of that year, DeWine met with FirstEnergy at a fundraiser for Republican governors.

    FirstEnergy contributed about $1 million in total to DeWine’s campaign, political organizations supporting it, and to another nonprofit supporting his daughter’s campaign for county prosecutor, according to the Dayton Daily News.

    After winning a close race, DeWine, Husted, Jones and Dowling celebrated over dinner at The Athletic Club in Columbus. The next day, Jones sent Randazzo the text message (above) indicating they discussed the open PUCO seat.

    In January of 2019, the FirstEnergy officials texted one another trying to fill not just one but two open PUCO seats, all the while mentioning phone calls with “DeWine guys” about it.

    “That’s their plan but nothing certain until Sam’s [Randazzo’s] meeting [with DeWine],” Jones texted Dowling. “Four people in DeWine world, you, Sam, and I know about this.” The PUCO seats would eventually be filled by Randazzo with another commissioner renewed.

    Dowling relayed to the other two men a message from Josh Rubin — a DeWine 2018 campaign adviser and a FirstEnergy lobbyist. He said once Randazzo takes office, DeWine will “lean on him on everything.”

    Several texts focus on HB 6. The bill (and eventual law) would bail out FirstEnergy’s nuclear plants, subsidize two coal plants owned by other Ohio utility companies, and create a “decoupling” mechanism that effectively put ratepayers on the hook to guarantee certain revenue streams of FirstEnergy’s. Prosecutors estimate the bill as worth about $1.3 billion to the company.

    Two days before the bill was introduced, DeWine’s calendar shows a slot for an “Energy Discussion” at the governor’s residence. Later that month, after the bill was repeatedly criticized during an opponent testimony hearing at the statehouse, DeWine, Husted, Randazzo and various staffers all met up at 5 p.m. for what the governor’s calendar calls a “Nuclear Bailout Bill Discussion.”

    Over the next month, DeWine’s calendars show two entries for energy policy meetings, plus a call with Householder about HB 6, and another call on the bill.

    On June 9, 2019, DeWine showed signs of wavering.

    “Sam, what do we know about whether nuclear plants need this boost?” DeWine, using his personal email, wrote to Randazzo. “One editorial suggested testimony was not conclusive.”

    Dowling paid a visit to the governor’s residence the next day. Randazzo responded to DeWine’s email on June 11, casting doubt on the studies referenced in the editorials.

    On July 1, Dowling texted Jones.

    “Just had a long conversation with JHusted just now,” he said, going on to explain that Husted sought to extend the length of the bailout. “All is well.”

    Court records contain another text from Jones stating that “State Official 2,” later confirmed to be Husted, joined with others in “fighting to the end” for a beefier bailout.

    After a long slog, lawmakers passed HB 6 on July 23, 2019. DeWine signed it into law mere hours later.

     FBI agents remove boxes of materials from PUCO Chairman Sam Randazzo’s condo in Columbus Nov. 17, 2020. Photo courtesy of Daniel Konik/Statehouse News Bureau.

    Loyalty to staff and HB 6

    As the FBI made its first arrests, DeWine began a pattern of defending HB 6 on the merits and showing unflinching loyalty to his staffers, some of whom have ties to FirstEnergy.

    Householder, his political strategist, a prominent GOP lobbyist, and two FirstEnergy lobbyists were arrested and charged with racketeering in connection with HB 6 on July 21, 2020. The next day, DeWine stood by the law he signed.

    “Because people did bad things does not mean that the policy is not a good policy,” he said.

    He reversed himself the next day and called for a repeal of the bill.

    In October, FirstEnergy fired Jones, Dowling, and fellow executive Dennis Chack as it waged an internal investigation. The company fired another two executives days later “due to inaction and conduct that the Board determined was influenced by the improper tone at the top.”

    At this point, the public remained unaware of the multimillion-dollar financial arrangement between the embattled FirstEnergy and Randazzo. However, on Nov. 16, 2020, FBI agents were seen raiding Randazzo’s condo and removing boxes of material from inside. The next day, FirstEnergy submitted a little-noticed securities filing outlining the $4.3 million payment.

    Despite the images of FBI agents entering Randazzo’s condo, DeWine publicly defended his appointee.

    “We have no indication he’s under investigation or he’s the target of an investigation. We’ll wait until we find additional facts,” he said in a Nov. 17, 2020 news conference. “Look, the FBI many times will indicate if someone is a target. They have not indicated he’s a target. I have no reason to think he’s a target. I don’t know. So, we’re waiting for additional information, quite candidly. I hired him. I think he’s a good person. If there is evidence to the contrary, then we’ll act accordingly, but not going to act without facts.”

    Randazzo would resign three days after that statement.

    Mid-summer 2021, FirstEnergy signed a deferred prosecution agreement with the U.S. Department of Justice. The company agreed to pay a $230 million penalty and cooperate with investigators to avert a charge of honest services wire fraud.

    The agreement contained a lengthy set of facts from the company, stating it paid the $64 million in bribes in exchange for official action from Householder and Randazzo.

    Days after the agreement was announced, DeWine held a press conference on anti-hazing legislation. Reporters asked questions afterward about the agreement, including a line that refers to “State Official 1” and “State Official 2” lobbying to ensure Randazzo’s appointment. DeWine said he’s “not aware” of anyone in his administration, including himself, appearing in the document. Husted, in a statement, said he too “does not believe” he’s referenced in the document.

    Texts obtained by the Ohio Consumers’ Counsel from FirstEnergy and attached to a regulatory filing contain the unredacted version of the text, identifying DeWine and Husted by name.

    In 2017, a lobbyist named Dan McCarthy created a nonprofit entity called Partners for Progress to engage in “advocacy in support of nuclear power,” tax records show. FirstEnergy would later admit to paying $25 million to Partners for Progress, some $15 million of which went to Householder’s nonprofit.

    DeWine hired McCarthy as his legislative director in 2019, around the time McCarthy stepped down from the organization’s board. In February 2021, after media reports identified McCarthy’s role with Partners for Progress, DeWine defended McCarthy.

    “As far as I know, Dan McCarthy has been well-respected for many, many years, long before he started working for me as our legislative director, and I have faith in his integrity,” DeWine said.

    McCarthy resigned in September 2021.

    DeWine response

    In a phone interview, DeWine spokesman Dan Tierney said the OCC-obtained text messages and meetings listed by the Ohio Capital Journal contain no new information.

    The texts, he said, in fact show the lack of a role from DeWine and Husted within the scandal. He said prosecutors have not subpoenaed him or any of his employees.

    “This all along has been a Larry Householder scandal and a FirstEnergy scandal,” he said.

    When asked whether DeWine, a former prosecutor and attorney general, detected any sense of impropriety during all his contacts with Householder and FirstEnergy leading up to the passage of House Bill 6, he declined comment.

    Husted offered a similar comment through a spokeswoman, stating that “there is nothing new here” in the texts, emails and meetings.

    “This kind of advocacy is well within his responsibilities as a public official, and, as we know, the bill was ultimately passed with bipartisan support,” he said.

  • Utility regulator accused of taking a bribe helped write bill targeting watchdog

    Utility regulator accused of taking a bribe helped write bill targeting watchdog

    FBI agents remove boxes of materials from PUCO Chairman Sam Randazzo’s condo in Columbus Nov. 17, 2020. Photo courtesy of Daniel Konik/Statehouse News Bureau.

    BY: JAKE ZUCKERMAN Ohio Capital Journal

    Ohio’s former top utility regulator, who was accused of taking a $4.3 million bribe, quietly spent months helping write a sweeping energy bill that targeted a state watchdog agency that advocates for Ohio’s residential electric customers, records show.

    Emails that the Public Utilities Commission of Ohio gave in response to two FBI subpoenas show its former chairman, Sam Randazzo, conferred with the bill sponsor and helped draft legislative language. The bill would have limited the reach of the Ohio Consumers’ Counsel and given often-hostile state legislators control of its board.

    The OCC appears at PUCO cases and advocates for residential ratepayers’ interests, which often run counter to those of investor-owned utility companies and industrial-scale energy customers. The agency’s efforts have led to millions in refunds to consumers, including $306 million from FirstEnergy Corp. last year to settle a lawsuit against the company for charging an unlawful profit margin on its customers.

    Akron-based FirstEnergy told prosecutors last summer that it paid a business owned by Randazzo $4.3 million before his 2019 appointment in exchange for “official actions.” The company also said it gave a nonprofit secretly controlled by then-GOP House Speaker Larry Householder $60 million to help pass House Bill 6 — energy legislation worth an estimated $1.3 billion to FirstEnergy. Householder has pleaded not guilty and awaits trial. Randazzo has not been charged with a crime.

    Records released earlier this year showed some of Randazzo’s behind-the-scenes lobbying work on HB 6. The records released last week show his influence spanned further.

    In May 2020, Rep. Nino Vitale, R-Urbana, introduced the text of House Bill 246. The bill would have narrowed the scope of cases the OCC can join and subject the agency to “any reasonable conditions that the commission deems necessary to avoid duplication, repetition or delay.” It also gives state lawmakers appointment power over six of nine seats on the OCC’s board.

    The legislation contained a sweep of other changes as well, including creating new ways for utilities to set their prices, modifying setback rules for wind farms, and allowing the Ohio Power Siting Board to create new setback requirements for solar energy sites.

    In the six months before Vitale unveiled the bill, Randazzo and PUCO staff met with Vitale, drafted elements of the legislation, and helped edit Vitale’s introductory testimony to lawmakers, the subpoenaed emails show. The emails don’t show Randazzo addressing the OCC provisions directly. But in a statement through his attorney, Randazzo equivocated when asked if he drafted or advised on the section.

    “If so but having no recollection of either writing or advising any such language, it would only have been as the result of a request from the legislature,” he said. “It is likely that the utilities had input.”

     Sam Randazzo, then a private sector attorney, testifies before the PUCO in March 2018. Source: The Ohio Channel.

    The PUCO released the emails after the Ohio Capital Journal filed a public records request and an eventual lawsuit seeking them.

    Around Thanksgiving of 2019, Randazzo asked to meet with Maura McClelland, a policy adviser and attorney at the PUCO, to meet and discuss the language of the bill’s “ratemaking piece.”

    HB 246 created a new option for utilities to set prices called “alternative rate plans.” According to nonpartisan analysts with the state Legislative Service Commission, the plans can take into account aspects of fair energy pricing that the current model misses like efforts for energy efficiency or cash flow problems from the companies.

    “In general, alternative rate plans could lead to higher prices paid by ratepayers,” the LSC analysts wrote. “But presumably, PUCO would only approve those higher costs after examining aggregate effects in accomplishing its policy objectives.”

    HB 246 would also allow the PUCO to consolidate parties that it determines have “sufficiently common interests” to speed up cases.

    In a memorandum opposing the bill, the Ohio Manufacturers’ Association said the legislation would block its members from meaningful participation at the PUCO. The manufacturers argued the bill in several areas consistently gives utilities the upper hand over their customers, especially via the ratemaking proposal.

    “The bill is opaque and no clear reasoning exists for why its proposed changes are needed,” the memorandum states.

    Roger Sugarman, an attorney representing Randazzo, said via email that neither Randazzo nor the PUCO were the driving force behind the bill. He said he couldn’t determine if the LSC’s analysis is correct without more details.

    “Without knowing what type of alternative rate plan, or the object of your question and the statutory conditions required to secure PUCO approval, it is not possible to evaluate the LSC analysis,” he said. “In general, rate applications filed by utilities, whether alternative or traditional, lead to higher rates; the question is usually about how much higher.”

    He said some pieces of the bill wouldn’t have affected much change versus current law. Plus, the bill all but died after its first hearing. Randazzo’s time “was occupied by more pressing and important things than HB 246.”

    FBI agents arrested Householder and charged him with racketeering in June 2020. He awaits trial. Agents raided Randazzo’s condo months later. In July 2021, FirstEnergy signed a deferred prosecution agreement with the U.S. Department of Justice. It agreed to pay a $230 million penalty and cooperate with the ongoing investigation into HB 6 to possibly avert a charge of wire fraud.

    In a statement of facts paired with the agreement, FirstEnergy said it paid companies controlled by Randazzo $4.3 million in exchange for official action. The company said it hired Randazzo as a consultant and paid him a total of about $22 million since 2010.

    Before starting in state government, Randazzo represented industrial scale energy users before the PUCO. He spent years fighting against Ohio energy policies that forced utilities to include more renewable energy in their mixes or make their customers’ homes more energy efficient. He also represented subsidiaries of both CenterPoint Energy and Dominion Energy as a lobbyist, as well as a group of citizens opposing a wind farm in Huron County.

    Vitale drew significant media attention via outrageous claims including that Bill Gates invented the novel coronavirus or that Gov. Mike DeWine was bringing “FEMA Concentration Camps” to Ohio in relation to the pandemic. (Randazzo said his position on COVID “pulled in a very direction” than Vitale’s.)

    Vitale also, perhaps more subtly, helped guide HB 6 from legislation to law. He co-sponsored the bill and chaired the House Energy and Natural Resources committee that reviewed it. He first won office with $7,700 in financial backing from Householder’s campaign committee. He voted for HB 6 in 2019 and against repealing it after Householder’s arrest. He was one of 21 lawmakers who voted against expelling Householder from office.

    Vitale didn’t respond to a phone call or emails to his personal and official accounts.

     State Rep. Nino Vitale, R-Urbana. Photo from Ohio House website.

    “As you all know, anyone can be indicted for anything. Anything,” he said in a floor speech last year defending Householder.

    “However, that person deserves to go in front of a jury of their peers and prove their case. They might be guilty, they might not … That’s what makes us different from a communist country.”

    Federal prosecutors alleged that Householder secretly controlled a nonprofit organization that received $60 million from FirstEnergy. He used the money to elect a slate of candidates who would vote him into the House Speaker’s office and in turn support HB 6. He’s also accused of spending the money for personal use. Two alleged conspirators, including Householder’s former political adviser, have pleaded guilty.

    When the anti-OCC bill dropped, few knew or suspected of either Randazzo’s financial ties with FirstEnergy or his lobbying work on the bill. However, after Householder’s arrest and the raid on Randazzo’s home, some raised interest in ensuring the bill’s quick death.

    “This bill is a danger to anyone in Ohio who pays a utility bill and it remains on the Ohio House docket as a direct attack on the OCC and all Ohio residential utility customers,” wrote former Democratic State Senator Leigh Herington in a November 2020 op-ed in the Columbus Dispatch.

    He suggested the legislation was simple retaliation for the OCC’s opposition to House Bill 6 and another bill that allows FirstEnergy a more favorable accounting formula to determine if its collections from customers are “significantly excessive.” (The OCJ previously reported Randazzo lobbied on that legislation as well.)

    Utility companies spend big and wield considerable sway in Ohio politics. As Herington noted, the OCC has seen its size dwindle over the years. Its budget dropped from $9.3 million in 2011 to $5.5 million in 2020.

    The OCC also suggested the bill was retaliatory in nature due to its opposition to HB 6. Vitale’s bill, the agency said in a resolution, would “weaken the independence” of the board as well as its “utility watchdog role.”

    A PUCO spokesman said the emails only show the PUCO working on language related to the agency and the state Power Siting Board. He said he didn’t know why Randazzo and Vitale communicated through personal email accounts.

    “The PUCO does not take a position on proposed legislation,” he said. “We will always be responsive to inquiries from members of the General Assembly as they go through the legislative process.”

  • Utility regulators block watchdog’s requests for info about a buried audit of a $460 million fund

    Utility regulators block watchdog’s requests for info about a buried audit of a $460 million fund

    Photo by Getty Images.

    BY: JAKE ZUCKERMAN – Ohio Capital Journal

    An administrative judge blocked a watchdog’s attempt to obtain an audit that the Ohio utility regulatory agency’s former chairman, who has been accused of taking a $4.3 million bribe, allegedly tried to squash before publication.

    The ruling, released Friday evening, is a setback for the Ohio Consumers’ Counsel, a state funded agency representing residential ratepayers in utility cases. The OCC has pushed for investigations of FirstEnergy, especially since the company admitted to playing a central role in a massive public corruption scandal.

    The OCC asked the Public Utilities Commission of Ohio to grant it a subpoena to obtain a copy of any draft audit into a $458 million charge from FirstEnergy that started in 2017 collected called the “Distribution Modernization Rider.” The OCC also sought to depose an auditor who worked on report.

    The Ohio Supreme Court blocked FirstEnergy from continuing to charge customers for the DMR, two years after it was first applied on monthly bills. The court said the PUCO unlawfully failed to ensure the money is actually spent on modernizing the grid. A subsequent PUCO investigation was inconclusive as to whether the DMR monies were used to fund the bribery operations.

    The Supreme Court’s order questioned the value of leaving intact the audit when it overturned the rider, finding the reviews fail to properly protect ratepayers from the “possible misuse of DMR funds.” Additionally, the justices reasoned that any findings of misuse of the funds would be moot given the court had already blocked the charge and a state law blocked the court from ordering refunds unless PUCO explicitly allows for them, which it did not. The PUCO later nixed the audit, citing the court’s thinking.

    The OCC has previously obtained a text message from FirstEnergy’s CEO referencing former PUCO Chairman Sam Randazzo “burning the DMR final report.”

    The text partially came to light when FirstEnergy entered into a deferred prosecution agreement with the U.S. Department of Justice to possibly avert a charge of wire fraud. The company agreed to pay a $230 million penalty. It also admitted to paying Randazzo $22 million over nine years, including $4.3 million just before he started as PUCO chairman. The company also admitted to a separate $60 million bribery scheme ran through the state Legislature to pass House Bill 6 in 2019.

    Randazzo has not been charged with a crime and has maintained his innocence. The PUCO has received two subpoenas in connection with the investigation.

    PUCO Attorney Examiner Gregory Price denied both the OCC’s requests. He said the facts are clear that no such draft report exists in any form. Additionally, the question of FirstEnergy’s political spending is being “thoroughly addressed” in other PUCO cases.

    Price ruled OCC’s reliance on the Randazzo text shows its “obvious interest in investigating potential wrongdoing” as opposed to matters it “actually has jurisdiction over.”

    In December 2020, about two months after federal agents raided Randazzo’s home, the PUCO opted to resume the audit into the DMR. However, this time it hired Daymark Energy Advisors. That audit, released earlier this year, was inconclusive as to whether the DMR funds were used to fund the HB 6 campaign. FirstEnergy, the auditors said, pooled funds from all its 11 utilities in one pot, creating an “inability” for the auditors to track the funds.

    Price, however, said the final report “appears to fully address whether [FirstEnergy] properly expended the DMR funds.”

    In records the PUCO provided to federal prosecutors, Price is copied onto email threads regarding policy meetings before and after the passage of House Bill 6. As was first reported by Cleveland.com, one email shows Price was invited to one such meeting days before the House passed the bill.

    Other investigations into FirstEnergy, Randazzo and other alleged conspirators continue. Former House Speaker Larry Householder is expected to stand trial on a racketeering charge in connection with the scandal this fall. He recently asked a court to dismiss the charge against him. That motion has not yet received a ruling.

    Meanwhile, FirstEnergy shareholders have filed a class action lawsuit against the company as well.