Tag: redistricting

  • Ohio Redistricting: The Sequel

    Ohio Redistricting: The Sequel

    Ohio legislators will head back to the drawing board on congressional and Statehouse maps

    BY: SUSAN TEBBENOhio Capital Journal

    The new year could include many different developments in the redistricting arena, but one thing is for sure: new maps have to be on the agenda.

    But this time around, majority leaders may not have as much trouble getting maps through the current approving authority: The Ohio Supreme Court.

    With the departure of Chief Justice Maureen O’Connor due to age limits, Justice Sharon Kennedy was elected to take the top spot, and Kennedy made clear how she felt about redistricting in the past, accusing the court majority of judicial overreach in rejecting maps as unconstitutional.

    The maps have gone through the ringer: Statehouse district maps have been rejected by the state’s highest court five times, and congressional maps have been turned down twice.

    After the last round of rejection, GOP members of the Ohio Redistricting Commission turned to a federal U.S. District Court for an answer, which came in the form of the temporary approval of a map passed in February, but still deemed unconstitutional by the state supreme court.

    The three-judge panel in federal court said they did not intend for the map to last ten years, or even the four years laid out in the constitutional amendment that reformed the process. The ORC could pass a map without bipartisan support, but the map would only last four years.

    The GOP took another step around the Ohio Supreme Court, by appealing to the U.S. Supreme Court on congressional redistricting, and the power of the state legislature over the state supreme court.

    The nation’s highest court has not yet decided whether it will take up the case, and is still deciding a different redistricting-related case, Moore v. Harper, which also addresses the role of the state legislature in elections.

    U.S Sen. Sherrod Brown pointed to ousted Ohio House Speaker Larry Householder’s corruption scandal as part of the problem the state is having in attempting to resolve the redistricting issue.

    “This state government is the most corrupt in the country,” Brown said on a press call. “I think there’s no question about that.”

    Householder wasn’t a part of redistricting, but his predecessor as Speaker, Bob Cupp was, along with Senate President Matt Huffman.

    “Of course, (GOP members of the legislature) know they’re losing elections all over the country based on the fact that they are out of step with the majority of voters, so they believe the only way to win is change the rules,” Brown said.

    Legislative leaders have not made any indication for sure as to when the process will start again, though the need to pass a new state budget may slow the process down.

    Voting advocates have said they are pulling together a new ballot measure, that could change redistricting yet again. Outgoing Chief Justice Maureen O’Connor has said she plans to help anti-gerrymandering efforts.

  • GOP officials and a collegiate political scandal could nix Dem’s ballot slot in SE Ohio

    GOP officials and a collegiate political scandal could nix Dem’s ballot slot in SE Ohio

    Ohio Secretary of State Frank LaRose talks to reporters. (Photo by Susan Tebben, OCJ.)

    BY: JAKE ZUCKERMAN – Ohio Capital Journal

    The story of the ballot fight includes a scandal in Ohio University’s Student Senate, a primary election delayed by Ohio’s messy redistricting clash, a Democrat’s resignation after winning an uncontested race, and some of the finer points of election law.

    The result is Jay Edwards, a three-term Republican incumbent, currently running unopposed in one of the more competitive districts in the November General Election.

    Ohio law allows the two major political parties to replace candidates who withdraw after primaries. The Democratic Party chose Tanya Conrath — a southeast Ohio native, attorney and nonprofit leader — to fill a hole left by the victor who dropped out.

    Republicans on the Athens County Board of Elections, however, objected, leaving the matter tied 2-2. Ohio Secretary of State Frank LaRose, a Republican responsible for casting the deciding vote, voted against letting Conrath on the ballot.

    He said because Rhyan Goodman, the Democratic candidate who won an uncontested primary, resigned before officials formally counted the vote and certified his victory, then the law doesn’t guarantee the Democrats the right to replace a candidate.

    “They’re trying to cheat their way into not giving [incumbent GOP Rep. Jay Edwards] an opponent and not giving voters a choice,” Conrath said in an interview.

     Tanya Conrath. Courtesy photo.

    The issue traces back to February when Goodman, as a 19-year-old Ohio University student, filed to run in Ohio’s 94th House District using his dorm as his filing address. In a matter of weeks, however, Goodman met his first brush with political scandal — not via state politics but with the Ohio University Student Senate.

    Goodman faced impeachment for allegations that he lodged false accusations in an anonymous letter against the student treasurer and encouraged other student senators to accuse her of intimidation, according to student publication The New Political. He resigned just before his trial was set to start.

    In the fallout of some “mistakes that might have been made,” Goodman drifted away from the Ohio House race, according to Athens County Democratic Party Chairman Sean Parsons. In the runup to the primary, Goodman had no campaign website, no social media, and did not respond to phone calls from a reporter.

    He won 100% of the 1,174 votes cast in the Aug. 2 primary. Regardless, six days after he won the election but before county officials formally certified the vote, Goodman withdrew his name from contention for the November election. He did not respond to calls or emails.

    Rep. Allison Russo, the ranking House Democrat, defended the lack of failsafe candidates in the race. She said candidate recruitment is difficult in districts that weren’t finalized at the time, some of which were later found to be unconstitutional gerrymanders. What Democrat would step into that uncertainty knowing Republicans control the game?

    She said the party developed “some concerns” about Goodman in the spring, but there was little to be done without a certain election date or district lines to go off. Conrath, Russo said, followed the rules and the Republicans are just afraid of the competition.

    “Not surprisingly, Secretary LaRose once again put partisan interests over running fair elections and couldn’t even cite any case law to support his decision,” she said.

    Deadlines

    Ohio law allows a “party candidate” who withdraws after a primary but before a general election to be replaced by whomever party officials see fit. This must be done by 4 p.m. on the 86th day before a general election — Aug. 15.

    Primary elections are typically held in May. However, the Ohio Supreme Court repeatedly found Republicans’ proposed decennial redistricting maps to be unconstitutional partisan gerrymanders. The court’s majority demanded fairer maps. Republicans refused. The standoff ended with a second primary election in August after a federal court ordered the election to proceed with a map the state Supreme Court found unconstitutional.

    Although the election date changed, some of the relevant administrative deadlines did not. Conrath, who had been contacted by the party and urged to run, had until Aug. 15 to file. The board of elections didn’t certify Goodman’s victory until Aug. 17.

    However, Republicans on the Athens County Board of Elections argued that because Goodman wasn’t certified at the time of Conrath’s filing, the party therefore has no eligible candidate to replace. Larose agreed.

    “As such, Rhyan Goodman was not the official nominee and party candidate at the time of his withdrawal,” he said in casting his tie-breaking vote. “The Athens County Democratic Party … could not replace him prior to the official certification of the Aug. 2, 2022 primary results.”

    Conrath’s lawsuit in the Supreme Court disputes the idea that the lack of certification means Conrath can’t be chosen as a replacement. In court documents, she cites a similar case from 1992 in which a Republican candidate running for county recorder withdrew from the ballot after some primary votes were cast and his name was already printed on the ballot. The secretary of state at the time ordered against certifying the candidacy.

    The Ohio Supreme Court reversed, finding boards of election have a “clear duty” to count ballots cast for a candidate even despite an “untimely withdrawal” from consideration. The court also held that candidacies “retain vitality” for some purposes even after withdrawing.

    LaRose, through a spokesman, did not respond to inquiries. The Supreme Court ordered him to respond in court to Conrath’s lawsuit by Wednesday.

    Edwards, reached via text message, didn’t respond when asked if he thought the court should let Conrath run.

    Parsons tentatively acknowledged that the Democrats should have fielded another candidate for the race. However, he said the chronic uncertainty given redistricting and the mishmash of deadlines weakened the process. And Republicans’ reasoning, he said, doesn’t pass the smell test.

    “They’re not operating in good faith on this issue; It’s an attempt to keep somebody off the ballot,” he said. “It’s always better to have choice. That’s the way representative democracies work.”

    Conrath

    Conrath describes herself as a fifth generation Appalachian. She was born and raised in southeast Ohio and married a fellow native. After graduating Ohio University as an undergrad and Ohio State University for law school, she worked in a law practice in Athens.

    She owns a home appraisals business, works as associate director of the Ohio University Innovation Center, and works at an adult career center as well. She has served on nonprofit boards including My Sister’s Place and Planned Parenthood of Southeast Ohio.

    She said she was invited to run after Goodman’s resignation in August and made the decision and filing in a “whirlwind.” She had previously toyed around with the idea of running, but the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to overturn its landmark ruling establishing women’s constitutional right to abortion access cemented her decision.

    “The Dobbs decision and watching Ohio put in a six-week abortion ban was the straw that broke the camel’s back,” she said.

    Besides the court’s findings of partisan gerrymandering, the vast majority of statehouse elections are unlikely to produce competitive general elections. Edwards’ district, however, is comparatively tight. Dave’s Redistricting App estimates it gives Republicans a 52%-45% edge. While President Donald Trump won the district in a landslide, Gov. Mike DeWine won it by a narrow 1.5%, according to analysis from the Ohio Manufacturers’ Association.

    Conrath expressed confidence she’d prevail in court. She said voters, not partisan officials, should pick their representatives.

    “This is a political play, and I think everyone knows it,” she said. “And I hope the Supreme Court sees this for what it is.”

  • Ohio House Speaker calls redistricting deadline a ‘myth’

    Ohio House Speaker calls redistricting deadline a ‘myth’

     House Speaker Bob Cupp, R-Lima. Photo courtesy The Ohio Channel.

    U.S. Supreme Court appeal ‘a very real option’

    BY: SUSAN TEBBEN Ohio Capital Journal

    The Ohio House Speaker wrote a letter to members of his party claiming “intentional misinformation” and the “myth” of a deadline for congressional redistricting, and signaling an appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court.

    The Ohio Supreme Court turned down the most recent drafts of congressional district lines in the state, saying the partisan breakdown unduly favored Republicans and didn’t match the breakdowns of election results in the state.

    In the court decision, the court majority ruled that “within 30 days, the General Assembly must pass a plan that complies with the Constitution.”

    Speaker Bob Cupp, however, said in his letter to fellow Republicans that “out-of-state activists have peddled the myth” of a deadline this week.

    “It is false, has zero basis in fact, and either shows a lack of understanding of our legal system, or it is an attempt to intentionally sow confusion over the 2022 elections,” Cupp said in the letter, provided to media by a spokesperson.

    Cupp, a former state supreme court justice, then argues a deadline for new congressional maps “does not commence until all appeals are final,” including a deadline for appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court of 90 days from the date of the state supreme court decision.

    Cupp did not explicitly say the legislative leaders would be appealing to the U.S. Supreme Court, but said the General Assembly’s 30-day clock wouldn’t start until after the nation’s highest court decided not to review the appeal.

    When asked for clarification, a spokesperson for Cupp said a U.S. Supreme Court appeal “is a very real option that we have time to thoroughly consider.”

    The final date to appeal, Cupp states based on the state supreme court’s decision date of July 19, is Oct. 17.

    “So, there is no state constitutional requirement to draw new congressional districts for the 2024 election cycle before then,” Cupp wrote.

    This is the third time the General Assembly has been asked to redraw congressional maps. The last time the state supreme court rejected the maps, the General Assembly didn’t take action, and the effort moved, as was ordered by the Ohio Supreme Court, to the Ohio Redistricting Commission.

    No mention of U.S. Supreme Court appeal was brought up at that time, despite the fact that Cupp was House Speaker and co-chair of the ORC.

    After being rejected in January, new congressional maps were passed by the ORC in March.

    Cupp’s compatriot in the other legislative chamber, Senate President Matt Huffman, commented to media, saying no action is expected from the Ohio Senate on congressional maps.

    A spokesperson for Huffman did not comment other than to confirm the accuracy of a Dispatch story in which Huffman said the Ohio Supreme Court does not have the power to dictate the Ohio legislature’s duty in redistricting. He also said the U.S. Supreme Court could definitively answer the question of redistricting authority in Ohio.

    The ACLU of Ohio, which has been a party in several of the legal challenges to congressional and legislative redistricting, called Cupp’s legal argument a “gambit” at the “11th hour.”

    Freda Levenson, legal director for the ACLU of Ohio, said the Ohio Supreme Court “ordered the legislature, in no uncertain terms, to draw a map by tomorrow.”

    Because the OSC’s order to draw a new map ruled purely on matters of Ohio law, it is not appealable in federal court,” said Levenson. “So there is no legitimate way to try to extend the Ohio Supreme Court’s deadline.”

    Follow OCJ Reporter Susan Tebben on Twitter.

  • Ohio Supreme Court strikes down congressional maps for second time

    Ohio Supreme Court strikes down congressional maps for second time

    Pictured is the Thomas J. Moyer Ohio Judicial Center where the Ohio Supreme Court meets. Photo courtesy Wikimedia Commons..

    BY: SUSAN TEBBEN – Ohio Capital Journal


    For the second time, the Ohio Supreme Court rejected a map for congressional districts in the state.

    The court ruled that the map violated the constitution by favoring one political party over another irrespective of election results across the state.

    “We hold that the March 2 plan unduly favors the Republican Party and disfavors the Democratic Party in violation of the (Ohio Constitution),” the majority decision reads.

    The 4-3 decision reflected the other decisions the court has made on redistricting: Chief Justice Maureen O’Connor voted to reject the maps, along with Justice Michael Donnelly, Justice Melody Stewart and Justice Jennifer Brunner. Justices Sharon Kennedy, Patrick DeWine and Patrick Fischer all dissented in the case.

    In ruling against the partisanship in the congressional map, the court called out the commission for creating Democratic districts with razor-thin advantages, while the Republican-leaning seats “comfortably favor Republican candidates.”

    In the most recent congressional map, only three Democratic-leaning seats have more than 52% Dem advantage, whereas all Republican-leaning seats have more than 53% GOP advantage.

    “Considering that Democratic candidates have received about 47% of the vote in recent statewide elections, this probable outcome represents only a modest improvement over the (previously) invalidated plan,” according to the court decision.

    The court pushed back against arguments made by Ohio Redistricting Commission members, including Senate President Matt Huffman and House Speaker Bob Cupp, both of whom have left the commission since then, replaced by state Sen. Rob McColley and state Rep. Jeff LaRe.

    The legislative leaders and their replacements on the commission tried to argue they were not obligated to correct “legal defects” in the original congressional plan while revising the plan.

    “The commission’s constitutional duty is to adopt a congressional district plan to replace the original, invalidated plan,” the court majority wrote. “Indeed, the commission has a constitutional duty to remedy the defects in the previous plan.”

    Huffman, Cupp, McColley and LaRe said fixing the “defects” would “incentivize” Democrats to vote against the plan, and called the article setting forth anti-gerrymandering rules a “safety valve of sorts” for the ORC to adopt a plan that didn’t have to align with the same redistricting rules as the General Assembly.

    “No constitutional language suggests that the voters who approved Article XIX intended to allow the prohibitions against partisan favoritism and unduly splitting governmental units to be avoided so easily,” the majority ruled.

    The lawsuit was filed in March, after the Ohio Supreme Court turned down calls to reject the maps in a previous lawsuit on congressional redistricting. The court said because its previous decision to reject the first congressional map was final, challengers had to file a new lawsuit to challenge the second version.

    The supreme court rejected the first map on the same grounds as the second rejection: partisan favoritism.

    In their dissent to the majority decision, Kennedy and Patrick DeWine said they would have left the plan in place as constitutional and allow its use for the 2024 primary and general elections.

    Kennedy and DeWine said because they would have held that the first congressional map “did not unduly favor Republicans and was constitutional,” they would have done the same for the second plan.

    DeWine, who is Gov. Mike DeWine’s son, has recused himself from any court cases regarding holding the ORC members in contempt of court due to his father’s participation as a commission member. However, he has refused calls for his recusal in all redistricting cases because of his father’s involvement in the process.

    Fischer joined the dissent, but wrote separately to argue that map challengers “do not even meet the lower clear-and-convincing evidence burden of proof or the even lower preponderance-of-the-evidence burden of proof” that the second congressional map unduly favored Republicans.

    He also criticized the process conducted by the state supreme court, saying a lack of hearings “undoubtedly raises concerns among the public regarding this court’s lack of transparency.”

    “This court’s misguided rush to decide these cases has resulted in an unnecessary and truncated procedure that has effectively tied this court’s hands and rendered it unable to make a fully informed decision,” Fischer wrote.

    The court gave the General Assembly 30 days to pass a new map, and if they can’t, the Ohio Redistricting Commission will have another 30 days to do so.

    Since the May primary, which included congressional races, already occurred, a new congressional plan’s impact will go forward to 2024 elections.

    The legislature is currently on summer break, set to come back in the fall. Huffman’s spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment on the ruling, or if they would be reconvening the GA early to deal with the issue.

    A spokesperson for Cupp said the office was reviewing the decision.

    The ORC’s co-chair, Democratic state Sen. Vernon Sykes joined Senate Minority Leader Kenny Yuko in saying the court “made it clear that Republicans have repeatedly used the redistricting process to give themselves an unfair advantage.”

    “Once again, we are ready to follow the law and give Ohioans the fair maps they demanded,” Sykes and Yuko said in a statement. “We hope this time our Republican colleagues will join us, instead of trying to run out the clock.”

    A spokesperson Ohio Secretary of State Frank LaRose, the state’s chief elections officer and a member of the redistricting commission, said LaRose’s office had received the ruling and had a legal team reviewing the decision.

    The League of Women Voters, one of the two parties who challenged the congressional maps, praised the decision and hoped for swift and public action to adopt new congressional maps.

    “We agree that the congressional map is beyond a reasonable doubt gerrymandered, and we stand ready to work with the mapmakers to see a map produced that truly upholds the will of the voters for a free and fair election,” said Jen Miller, executive director of the LWV of Ohio.

    Follow OCJ Reporter Susan Tebben on Twitter.

  • Ohio Redistricting Commission resubmits maps already rejected as illegal by supreme court

    Ohio Redistricting Commission resubmits maps already rejected as illegal by supreme court

    BY: SUSAN TEBBEN – Ohio Capital Journal

    The Ohio Redistricting Commission Thursday voted to resubmit maps to the Ohio Supreme Court that the court has already rejected as illegal and unconstitutional partisan gerrymandering.

    The commission once again passed its third map 4-3 along party lines, with the exception of Republican Auditor Keith Faber, who said he voted no for the same reasons he voted against the map originally, claiming favoritism for Democrats.

    Republicans voting for the maps were Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine, Secretary of State Frank LaRose, state Sen. Rob McColley and state Rep. Jeff LaRe (sitting in for Senate President Matt Huffman and House Speaker Bob Cupp respectively).

    With a U.S. District Court promising to order the third set of maps to be put in place for the 2022 election, the commissioners saw fit to push those maps back into play, despite not one but two rejections by the state’s highest court.

    Indicating the action that was forthcoming from the commission, LaRose read a two-page statement he said explained the “logistical realities” of administering an Aug. 2 primary.

    He said the third map is already programmed in county boards of elections systems, which was done at his order, and he said he “would not instruct the boards to deprogram Map 3 before May 28, risking that the new map could be invalidated with no immediate options to administer a primary election.”

    “Therefore, Map 3 is the only viable option to effectively administer a primary election on Aug. 2, 2022,” LaRose told the commission on Thursday.

    In pushing for passage of the maps, McColley said these maps would be “only for use in the 2022 election.”

     State Rep. Jeff LaRe and state Sen. Vernon Sykes talk during Thursday’s meeting of the Ohio Redistricting Commission.
    (Photo: Susan Tebben, OCJ)

    The constitutional amendment overhauling redistricting processes in the state spelled out the commission’s ability to pass partisan four-year maps or bipartisan 10-year maps. It does not specify a two-year option, which critics say spells trouble in the supreme court battle.

    “We will continue to look at our legal options, and possibly this would only be a two-year map and we will work to get better maps in the future,” said Jen Miller, executive director of the League of Women Voters of Ohio. “But the redistricting commission can’t decide to adopt a two-year map.”

    The Ohio Supreme Court rejected the maps on March 16 for the same reason it rejected all other maps: partisan favoritism.

    “Substantial and compelling evidence shows beyond a reasonable doubt that the main goal of the individuals who drafted the second revised plan was to favor the Republican Party and disfavor the Democratic Party,” the majority wrote in their opinion on those maps.

    Court justices also rejected the maps after they were slightly changed by GOP mapmakers and submitted as the fourth map from the Ohio Redistricting Commission. Huffman introduced revised Map 3 on March 28, after he said it became clear the independent mapmakers maps were not going to be completed on time.

    On Thursday, the Democratic members of the commission, seemingly building up arguments against being held in contempt by the Ohio Supreme Court, introduced changes to a proposed map drawn by independent mapmakers in late March. That map had previously been dismissed by Republican members of the commission who claimed it unduly favored Democrats and didn’t address all the constitutional and court-ordered changes required of new state House and Senate maps.

    House Minority Leader Allison Russo brought up the maps, as she did in a letter earlier Thursday, asking for proposed amendments to the map by Thursday afternoon.

    She told the commissioners those items had been identified and addressed prior to Thursday night’s meeting. No other commission members submitted amendments, she said.

    But Republican commissioners were quick to express their dissatisfaction with these maps during the meeting, even as revised.

    McColley referenced an affidavit by independent mapmaker Dr. Douglas Johnson, saying Johnson acknowledged the maps were not done when he and Dr. Michael McDonald left their posts on March 28, having had their plan dismissed by the commission.

    Russo pushed back on the assertion, saying the maps were finished, but were only “double-checked” after completion.

    “To be clear, this map is finished,” Russo said.

    The Johnson/McDonald map was turned down again by the ORC on Thursday, with a party-line 5-2 vote.

    Russo read a statement at the end of the night, calling the latest journey to Map 3 “a bad-faith effort to punt (Republican) responsibility to another entity,” meaning the federal court.

    “The events that led us back here were not committed through incompetence,” Russo read from the statement. “We are here purposefully.”

    LaRose and DeWine were missing from the commission meeting after a recess following the vote to adopt the third map. Spokespersons said they had other commitments, and because the commission did not have any other voting items, they chose to leave before the meeting adjourned, and before media could ask any questions.

    DeWine’s spokesperson, Dan Tierney, said it was “simply impossible to adopt any map or resubmit any map that an election could be run on August 2.”

    Asked why the commission didn’t meet earlier than two days before the deadline, Tierney said there were “issues coming to compromise.”

    The maps now go to the Ohio Supreme Court for consideration and court challenges, which seem likely.

    As the commission’s newest co-chair, LaRe said with a map passed to cover only the next two-years, the commission still needs to continue its work.

    “We’re only talking about the ’22 election, so there’s more work for the commission to do,” LaRe said. “We’ve got to look at the next election cycle, so we’re not done yet.”

    He did not give a timeline on when the commission will begin working on the next election.

  • How much a map costs: one law firm accounts for 1/3 of redistricting expenses

    How much a map costs: one law firm accounts for 1/3 of redistricting expenses

    Ohio Redistricting Commission co-chair state Sen. Vernon Sykes talks to Senate President Matt Huffman during Sunday’s meeting of the ORC. The commission ended up throwing out independent mapmaker work and adopting a slightly revised version of the third map, already rejected by the Ohio Supreme Court. (Photo: Susan Tebben, OCJ)

    BY: NICK EVANS – Ohio Capital Journal

    As lawmakers consider their next move on redistricting, the overall cost has ballooned to nearly $1.8 million, according to an accounting through April 19 provided by the Legislative Services Commission.

    The bulk of that expense has been charged to the Legislative Task Force on Redistricting, which has accounted for $983,283 going back to August of 2019. Their biggest single line item was a $282,271 expenditure to Ohio University, the school tasked with preparing census data for mapmakers. All told, the school received $427,597 for its efforts.

    The second biggest line item charged to the Legislative Task Force was $103,000 to the law firm Nelson Mullins Riley & Scarborough. GOP lawmakers hired two Nelson Mullins attorneys, Thomas Farr and Phillip Strach, at a total cost of $114,500 to advise the General Assembly on redistricting. Farr and Strach made a name for themselves in part by defending North Carolina’s racially gerrymandered maps in court.

    That advice might be expensive, but their representation costs more. Once the maps were challenged in court, Senate President Matt Huffman and House Speaker Bob Cupp again turned to Nelson Mullins to serve as their defense team. So far, they’ve run up nearly $475,000 in attorneys’ fees.

    Between the firm’s work as special counsel advising mapmakers and its work unsuccessfully defending those maps in court, Nelson Mullins has earned $589,512.62 — roughly a third of the total cost of redistricting already, with more billable hours to come.

    And that’s not the only firm making money representing the Republican leaders — Taft, Stettinius & Hollister has made $30,986 representing Huffman and Cupp. In addition, a different law firm, Organ Law, has brought in $68,022 representing the Ohio Redistricting Commission.

    Across the aisle, meanwhile, the law firm Ice Miller has raked in $174,792 representing Democratic members of the Commission, Sen. Vernon Sykes and House minority leader Allison Russo.

    In all, Ohio has spent nearly $750,000 on litigation through April 19.

    The $1.8 million accounting provided by the Legislative Services Commission could be far from the end of redistricting’s expenses. Late last month Republican members of the Ohio Redistricting commission decided to ignore the proposals offered by a pair of independent mapmakers they brought in to draft boundaries. That episode cost the state $89,000, but the invoice from only one of the mapmakers is reflected in the current accounting.

    Similarly, there are more bills coming on the legal front. The most recent invoice is dated April 11 — four days before the state supreme court tossed lawmakers’ fourth try at drawing legislative boundaries.

  • Ohio Supreme Court rejects legislative maps, sets fifth redistricting deadline

    Ohio Supreme Court rejects legislative maps, sets fifth redistricting deadline

    Attorney Phillip Strach speaks before the Ohio Supreme Court in December, arguing for the constitutionality of legislative district maps. The court heard arguments on three cases asking it to reject the maps approved in September. (Photo: Susan Tebben, OCJ)

    Commission members won’t be held in contempt

    BY: SUSAN TEBBEN – Ohio Capital Journal

    The Ohio Supreme Court turned away a fourth set of redistricting plans from the Ohio Redistricting Commission in a 4-3 decision on Thursday, but left the responsibility with the commission to redraw the maps yet again.

    In a separate announcement, the court also denied requests to hold commissioners in contempt of court for violating court orders. Justice Patrick DeWine, son of governor and commission member Mike DeWine, recused himself from the contempt proceedings, but not from the redistricting rulings.

    The fourth set of maps was similar to the third maps, as admitted by Senate President Matt Huffman, the member of the commission who proposed they be adopted by the ORC at the end of March.

    The supreme court spelled out in its Thursday ruling the way in which objections to the maps showed “beyond a reasonable doubt” that the plan once again violated the constitutional regulations surrounding redistricting, but they didn’t order any other remedies offered by the map challengers, which included taking the map-drawing power away from the ORC.

    The commission started off on the right foot this time, the justices in the majority said, when they “began to heed our suggestions” given in the previous map rejection, which advised the commission to hire independent mapdrawers, hold near-daily meetings, and give mapdrawers “a neutral set of instructions” that they would use to publicly draw maps.

    In the week leading up to the March 28 deadline for the most recent maps, the commission hired Dr. Douglas Johnson, as proposed by the GOP, and Dr. Michael McDonald, as proposed by the Democrats. The two were paid at a rate of $450 per hour, with a cap set at $49,000 each.

    The commission also partnered with the Ohio Channel to set up a room with cameras showing Johnson and McDonald working, and the computers on which they were collecting data and drawing district lines. The commission met several times during that week to answer questions from the mapmakers and give them instructions, up until the day of the deadline.

    On that day, Huffman made a move to bypass the Johnson/McDonald maps because he said time was running short, too short for the commission members to offer amendments and make changes by the deadline.

    The best option, he then said, was to make a few changes to the previously rejected map, and submit it to the court, with the argument that it was better to get a map in on time than to wait for the mapmakers to be done with their map and possibly go past the March 28 date set by the court.

    To do so, he tasked Blake Springhetti, a House GOP staffer who had worked on the previous maps, to make the changes that night.

    “The evidence suggests that Springhetti … modified the second revised plan in one afternoon to produce the (fourth map),” the majority justices wrote in their rejection of the most recent maps.

    Broken ‘parachute’

    Despite the fact that the court told the commission to come up with an “entirely new” map this time, the court said the commission acted as though a tweaked version of an invalidated plan was a “parachute” to get it over the finish line. They also said there was evidence of efforts to block McDonald and Johnson from finishing their maps.

    “The timeline of events demonstrates convincingly that the commission — or at least some members of the commission — when faced with one or more plans that closely matched constitutional requirements in the form of Dr. McDonald’s and Dr. Johnson’s plans, reverted to partisan considerations when time was running short, even though the potential for successful completion was high,” the majority justices wrote.

    “Particularly problematic,” those justices said, was Huffman’s “last-minute insistence” that the mapmakers consider the addresses of incumbent House and Senate members in their district drawing, which the court said “pulled the rug out from under the independent map drawers.”

    In throwing forth the revised version of the third plan, commission members sent the court “a nearly identical one-sided distribution of toss-up districts,” the court rules. The number of toss-up districts — those districts whose partisan “advantage” is less than 2 percentage points — went from 26 to 23 from the third maps to the fourth. The fact remained, though, that all the toss-up districts were considered “Democratic-leaning” in the GOP analysis of the maps, and none were similarly toss-ups for Republican districts.

    “Senate President Huffman and House Speaker Cupp point out that the (fourth plan) improves upon the (third plan),” court justices noted. “While this may be true, the improvement falls short of landing in constitutional territory.”

    The court is now giving the commission until 9 a.m. on May 6 to come up with an “entirely new” plan. They again pushed for transparency and public viewing of the process. They also retained jurisdiction on the map, meaning they hold on to the authority to reject or approve the map as they have in previous instances.  This wasn’t the case in the congressional maps, forcing challengers of that map to file brand new lawsuits to fight against what they see as gerrymandered federal districts.

    Adopting another new plan…again

    The majority justices, while acknowledging that they do not have the power to adopt a map of their own, suggested a more “efficient way” of moving forward with a new plan.

    “No matter what the primary date is to be, time is of the essence,” the justices wrote. “With time in mind, it appears that the most efficient way for the commission to proceed may well be to continue working with Dr. McDonald and Dr. Johnson to complete the plan on which they have made considerable progress — if they are willing and available and if the commission has the authority to timely retain them for additional work.”

    The court argued that “by certain measure” the Johnson/McDonald plan “is on track to being constitutionally compliant.”

    Seemingly responding to sticking points that came up along the way, the court’s majority gave new guidance on adopting a new legislative plan.

    During the late hours of March 28, Cupp and Huffman both argued the commission couldn’t push past the deadline because the court had said it would not allow any other extensions of time. The court was more specific this time in saying no request for extension of time could be filed for objections to the adopted maps.

    The commission, however, could file a motion for an extension to their time with the secretary of state if they can prove it is needed.

    Justices also took time in their decision to argue against a federal intervention in state redistricting, something being discussed by a three-judge panel in U.S. District Court. Those judges are considering a lawsuit by Ohio voters asking that the federal court decide on a map for the state to use, under the argument that voters are losing their constitutional right to do so without a map to establish candidate districts.

    “While the process has proved challenging for the commission, as evidenced by four legislative plans falling short of (the constitution’s) requirements, the difficulty of the task is not a reason for federal-court intervention,” the majority of supreme court justices wrote.

    Dissents

    The three votes against rejecting the maps came from expected sources: Justices Sharon Kennedy, Patrick DeWine and Patrick Fischer, all of whom voted against rejection in the last three court decisions.

    Kennedy, who is running for chief justice in this year’s election, used her Thursday dissent to again discredit the majority opinion for overuse of judicial power. She criticized the justices who rejected the last three maps for moving constitutional goalposts and abusing their power in previous dissents over redistricting.

    “The majority’s continued denial of the limitation of this court’s power may end up costing the taxpayers millions of dollars,” Kennedy wrote in her dissent to the newest ruling. “Money that is being consumed by the never-ending cycle of map drawing, litigation, and now, two primaries, one on May 3 and the other perhaps on Aug. 2, all ordained by the majority’s overreach.”

    Justice Patrick DeWine claimed the majority had “long ago forsaken any concern about the actual words of the Constitution – it simply demands a General Assembly-district plan that achieves its policy goals.”

    “With each iteration of these cases, it becomes more evident that a rogue majority is simply exercising raw political power,” Justice DeWine wrote in his own dissent. “No one should be deceived.”

    The justice goes on to say the authors of the constitutional amendment overhauling redistricting “were overly optimistic,” and the threat of a four-year map instead of 10-year map “was not the stick it was thought to be” to incentivize bipartisan work.

    Whatever the reason for the “mess” redistricting has become, Patrick DeWine said court overreach is not the solution.

    “(The court’s job) is not to impose extraconstitutional standards on the commission in an attempt to achieve political outcomes that the court finds desirable,” DeWine wrote.

  • Ohio Supreme Court rejects GOP-drawn Statehouse district maps for the third time

    Ohio Supreme Court rejects GOP-drawn Statehouse district maps for the third time

    Photo courtesy Wikimedia Commons..

    A bipartisan majority on the Ohio Supreme Court has for the third time rejected Statehouse district maps passed along partisan lines by Republicans on the Ohio Redistricting Commission.

    The most recent versions of legislative maps that had been approved by the ORC were struck down in a 4-3 decision Wednesday night by the state’s high court.

    A majority of the court justices said the map challengers had shown “beyond a reasonable doubt” that the most recent maps violated the constitution, particularly the provisions prohibiting partisan favoritism.

    “Substantial and compelling evidence shows beyond a reasonable doubt that the main goal of the individuals who drafted the second revised plan was to favor the Republican Party and disfavor the Democratic Party,” the majority wrote in its Wednesday opinion.

    The court sent the job back to the commission with a March 28 deadline to file an “entirely new” district plan for the General Assembly with the Ohio Secretary of State’s Office. A copy of the plan should then be sent to the court the next day.

    The breakdown of votes matched previous votes by the court striking down maps, with Chief Justice Maureen O’Connor, Justice Michael Donnelly, Justice Melody Stewart and Justice Jennifer Brunner forming the majority opinion. Justices Sharon Kennedy and Patrick Fischer dissented. Also dissenting was Justice Patrick DeWine, son of governor and commission member Mike DeWine.

    Justice DeWine recused himself from an issue in the case in which the commission members could be held in contempt of court for not filing new maps within the last deadline, but did not recuse himself from the entire case.

    The justices in the majority once again pointed to Senate President Matt Huffman and House Speaker Bob Cupp as controllers of the map-making process, saying the evidence in this case “is just as strong, if not stronger” than it was in previous map-making attempts.

    “The Democratic members of the commission had no opportunity to provide input in creating the second revised plan, and they had no meaningful opportunity to review and discuss it or to propose amendments once it was presented at the commission hearing on February 22, 2022,” the majority wrote.

    The court said they have “identified a flawed process” in all three of its rulings on the legislative maps, plans adopted after being the “product of just one political party.”

    “The evidence shows that the individuals who controlled the map-drawing process exercised that control with the overriding intent to maintain as much of an advantage as possible for members of their political party,” according to the ruling.

    With these new maps, the court agreed with arguments made by anti-gerrymandering groups who said a disproportionate number of so-called “Democratic-leaning” districts were actually toss-ups, with less than a 1% advantage for the Democrats.

    The newest plan had 19 House districts considered toss-ups, and seven Senate districts in the same toss-up range.

    “The result is that the 54 percent seat share for Republicans is a floor, while the 46 percent share for Democrats is a ceiling,” the court wrote (italics their own).

    That amount of toss-up districts, the court found, is “evidence of an intentionally biased map,” and is just one piece showing partisan lopsidedness on the part of the GOP.

    Justices also made a point to single out Huffman in saying he appears to have voted against a Democratic map proposal “based, at least in part, on a misunderstanding” of the constitutional provisions regulating redistricting in the state.

    Huffman called out the plan introduced by commission co-chair state Sen. Vernon Sykes and House Minority Leader Allison Russo because, according to him, the plan would have impacted the ability of Republican incumbents to keep their seats.

    “Making that observation demonstrates, beyond a reasonable doubt, that Senate President Huffman misunderstands the requirements of Article XI and the reasons for their adoption,” the majority stated. “Senator Huffman’s concern for protecting incumbents is not grounded in Article XI.”

    Kennedy and DeWine wrote their own dissent, that shamed the majority opinion for issuing a judgment “guaranteed to disrupt an impending election and bring Ohio to the brink of a constitutional crisis.”

    The Ohio Secretary of State, yet another member of the redistricting commission, has issued frequent warning about the lateness of the redistricting effort, though he has yet to go against the Republican majority vote.

    With the May 3 primary approaching quickly, Secretary Frank LaRose all but begged the General Assembly to approve extra money to speed up the delivery of absentee ballots to overseas and military Ohioans, and to extend the amount of time the county boards of elections have to send out the ballots, from 45 days before the election to 30.

    In previous court filings and public comments, LaRose said the primary likely couldn’t withstand another map delay.

    In shutting down the most recent map effort, the dissenting court justices say the majority of the court did much of what it did in previous rejections of redistricting maps by allegedly overriding the power of the constitution with its own interpretation.

    In previous dissents, Kennedy and DeWine accused the majority justices of “moving the goalposts” by putting requirements in the constitution where none could be found, but this time, they say, “the majority tears down those goalposts altogether.”

    “Through its actions today, the majority undermines the democratic process, depriving the voters of the constitutional amendment they enacted and leaving in its place only the majority’s policy preferences,” Kennedy and DeWine wrote. “In so doing, it threatens the very legitimacy of this court.”

    The majority of the court added a new level to the next steps in redistricting by ruling the map-drafting “should occur in public” and that the commissioners should “convene frequent meetings to demonstrate their bipartisan efforts to reach a constitutional plan within the time set by this court.”

    Dissenting justices say that the majority finding the most recent maps unconstitutional because this transparency method didn’t happen the first (or second) time “is ludicrous.”

    “Nothing in the constitution requires the seven commissioners to sit down together to draft the plan – effectively handing each one of them an unbridled veto power,” Kennedy and DeWine wrote in their dissent.

    The majority on the court also had a suggestion for the commission: “The commission should retain an independent map drawer — who answers to all commission members, not only to the Republican legislative leaders — to draft a plan through a transparent process.”

    After the Ohio Redistricting Commission passes a new plan, map challengers will once again have three days to object after the maps are submitted.

    The Secretary of State’s office declined to comment on the court ruling Wednesday night.

    The Ohio Supreme Court’s isn’t done: It is still considering court challenges to congressional maps passed earlier this month. The court also hasn’t said whether it will reschedule a contempt of court hearing it brought up after the ORC didn’t come up with legislative maps by its February 17 deadline.


  • Congressional map challengers ask court to stop map use

    Congressional map challengers ask court to stop map use

    Photo: Courtesy of the Ohio Supreme Court

    Attorneys for League of Women Voters proposed that the commission be given the maps again, but with specific instructions to fix District 1 in Hamilton County

    BY: SUSAN TEBBEN – Ohio Capital Journal


    The League of Women Voters and a group of Ohioans represented by a national redistricting group have asked the Ohio Supreme Court to keep the state from using recently approved congressional maps.

    “Having embarked on its latest map-drawing journey with an irredeemably broken compass, it is no surprise that the (Ohio Redistricting) Commission has once again found itself lost,” Ohioans led by the National Redistricting Action Fund stated in their court filing.

    The group called the newest map – which breaks the state down into 10 Republican districts, three Democratic districts and two “tossup” districts  – “an extreme partisan outlier again,” putting the state at a “partisan advantage at odds with Ohio’s voting patterns.”

    Because of this, they ask the court to strike down the Ohio Redistricting Commission’s second try at congressional districts, move the candidate filing deadline that was March 4 and “if necessary, itself adopt a constitutional plan as early as March 17.”

    “At this point, the commission cannot be trusted behind the wheel,” attorneys for the group wrote.

    The League of Women Voters stopped short of asking for the court to take over the process, saying “it is premature at this juncture for the court itself to implement a plan.”

    Attorneys for the Ohio league proposed that the commission be given the maps again, but with specific instructions to fix two districts: District 1 in Hamilton and Warren counties and District 15, which stretches from the western and southern sides of Franklin County to the Southern half of Shelby County.

    The LWV, represented by the ACLU of Ohio, also argued an alternative plan written by Harvard professor Dr. Kosuke Imai was brought up to to the commission “but was ignored.”

     A congressional redistricting plan proposed by Harvard professor Dr. Kosuke Imai. The League of Women Voters said this map was “ignored” by the Ohio Redistricting Commission, despite following constitutional redistricting requirements.

    The plan had a 10-6 partisan breakdown, but was never brought up for a formal vote by the commission.

    In court documents included with the LWV’s objection to the newest congressional map, Dr. Imai said his map “demonstrates that it is possible to generate a redistricting plan that is free of partisan bias and compactness problems while complying with the other redistricting criteria.

    Imai was also mentioned in the legislative redistricting court battle, when attorneys said the professor conducted 5,000 simulations of Ohio districts and never came up with the same amount of GOP partisanship in any of the simulations.

    Attorneys for the National Redistricting Action Fund said Ohio’s Republican caucus chose to “let the clock run out” on any efforts by the General Assembly to create a congressional plan, and were slow to act even as the ORC began its first week back after the GA made no decision.

    “The General Assembly seemingly took no action to even attempt to draw a plan itself because it was unwilling to attempt to reach the bipartisan agreement that would be necessary to pass emergency legislation,” Adams’ attorneys wrote.

    After the commission adopted a GOP-created map along party lines, the map challengers say Secretary of State Frank LaRose moved forward with “implementing the new gerrymandered plan,” despite the fact that it hadn’t been (and still hasn’t been) given the go-ahead by the state supreme court.

    The NRAF also argues the map continues to violate the constitution, specifically the provision prohibiting the favoring or disfavoring of one political party over another.

    “This disparity between statewide vote share and congressional seat share is astounding,” attorneys wrote.

    Asking for the court to take over the process is not a new argument state redistricting challengers have made. Attorneys arguing against legislative maps also asked the court to take charge after three attempts by the redistricting commission.

    The NRAF also asked the court to postpone “relevant election deadlines” for the May 3 primary, saying the court has “broad authority to issues orders postponing election deadlines to address harm that would occur if elections were to proceed under an unconstitutional map.”

    Republican commission members have said the power to change elections lies with the General Assembly.

  • Ohio Supreme Court allows Dems’ redistricting objection

    Ohio Supreme Court allows Dems’ redistricting objection

    Attorney Phillip Strach speaks before the Ohio Supreme Court, arguing for the constitutionality of legislative district maps. The court heard arguments on three cases asking it to reject the maps approved in September. (Photo: Susan Tebben, OCJ)

    BY: SUSAN TEBBEN – Ohio Capital Journal

    The Ohio Supreme Court has rejected a request by the state’s Attorney General to reduce Democratic redistricting leaders’ court filing to a “friends of the court” brief.

    In a short ruling released Friday evening, the court denied a motion to convert the brief, filed by Ohio Redistricting Commission co-chair state Sen. Vernon Sykes, D-Akron, and House Minority Leader and commission member Allison Russo, D-Upper Arlington.

    Russo and Sykes filed the objection to the newest legislative redistricting maps without an attorney, which they said was the fault of Attorney General Dave Yost. The Democrats say he refused to allow them to consult attorneys for the Ice Miller law firm.

    Yost asked that the brief be considered amicus of “friend of the court” brief rather than an official response by state officials. “Friend of the court” briefs are typically filed by non-parties in lawsuits, who want to provide the court input but aren’t necessarily connected to the case.

    The ruling by the supreme court did grant Yost’s motion for “limited intervention” in the case, meaning he maintains his position as a legal representative for all state officials in the lawsuits. Yost told the court the limited intervention was needed “to protect his powers as Chief Law Officer of the State of Ohio.”

    He said Russo and Sykes are being sued in their official capacities, therefore filing court documents saying they don’t have an attorney undermines his authority.

    Russo and Sykes are both mentioned in the lawsuit as members of the Ohio Redistricting Commission, along with Governor Mike DeWine, Senate President Matt Huffman, House Speaker (and commission co-chair) Bob Cupp, Secretary of State Frank LaRose and Auditor Keith Faber.

    Chief Justice Maureen O’Connor was the only justice to differ from the majority in the ruling. O’Connor, it was noted, would have denied the motion for Yost to intervene in addition to denying the conversion of the Democratic brief.

    Russo released a statement saying she was “relieved to see that a fair process is continuing in the courts.”

    “Now, we wait the Court’s decision on the submitted maps and let the process play out with greater transparency,” Russo said in the statement.

    The Ohio Redistricting Commission revised the legislative maps with a 5-2 vote along party lines in January after the court sent them back to the drawing board, calling their original plan unconstitutional.

    Republicans commission members responded to objections made by the League of Women Voters, the Ohio Organizing Collaborative and a group of Ohio residents. They said they made appropriate attempts to get to the court’s desired 54% GOP to 46% Dem split, based on statewide voter preferences for the last 10 years.

    The maps sent back to the court have a 57-42 split.